Civil Liberties: Voting Rights and Equal Representation

Civil Liberties Voting Rights and Equal RepresentationOne of the misconceptions we face in this country is a thorough understanding of civil liberties as they tinge to ballot and representation. Many would believe that a country founded on the ideals of a republic would assuredly guarantee the right to pick out for all its citizens. However, the ability to balloting as we understand it today, was not initially expressed as an affirmative right in the collaborateed States Constitution. A central conflict in our nations truncated narrative has been a battle of ideologies between those who would restrain the rights of others in favor of a slim minority versus those who believe that govern ment should reflect the will of the all told of its citizenry. Access to representation remains relevant today because we do not possess a federal right to vote. The composition has failed to fulfill the democratic present most believe is a fundamental right. Our history however, has shown us time and time again that we deposenot be trusted to apportion civil liberties under the zeitgeist the constitution was written in. In Federalist Paper 84, Hamilton reasons against the provision of the Bill of Rights citing that the constitution is sufficient in providing liberty finished the application of checks and balances (Hughes, 2013).In our recent history, however, there has been an increase movement to state of contendds the enactment of voter turnout laws aimed specifically, so it would seem, to restrict or curtail the right to vote. This institutional loophole prevents e realone from receiving the gains afforded by our system of law. States take a shit also established a long history of disenfranchising individuals convicted of felony offences for the duration of their sentence and in some states for a period thereafter. In a handful of states, voting can lonesome(prenominal) be restored by a petition to the court or governors office. These circumstances point to the need for a constitutional right to voting by means of a voting rights amendment or new act altogether.When the Declaration of Independence was signed in 1786, the legal right to vote was a privilege exclusive to neat males who owned property. The ramifications of this design would permeate through the nation for the next eighty years. With the passing of the Naturalization Act in 1790, immigrants of Asian descent were prevented from becoming alter citizens. In 1848, the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo declared Mexican nationals living within the territories as United States citizens, while simultaneously imposing voting laws requiring property ownership, English literacy development and other means of discriminatory acts. Following the Civil state of war and the subsequent abolishment of slavery by the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, the Southern states sought to stay put the economic and social subordination of African Americans through the adoption of the infamous Black Codes (Rossum and Tarr, 2014, p. 50). Congress responded to this overt circumvention through the Civil Rights Act in 1866 and the 14th Amendment. The Civil Rights Act guaranteed to black citizens the same rights to bring in and enforce contracts, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property and to enjoy the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens (Rossum and Tarr, 2014 p. 51).The Fourteenth Amendment expanded constitutional authority to prevent further violations from the states, however, it reference pointed the recognise generally, rather than enumerating the rights detailed in the Civil Rights Act. African American men were afforded the right to vote, if only technically speaking, through the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870 although they would continue to be disenfranchised by electoral rules and laws such as poll taxes, the so-called Grandfather Clause s tatutes, as well as comprehension and literacy exams that were passed to make the regulations more restrictive. Concurrently, women were deprived of their right to vote until 1920. The United States continued to deny naturalization to ethnic groups as evidenced by the Supreme Courts rulings in (Takao Ozawa v. United States, 1922) and (Bhagat Singh Thind v. United States, 1923). These blemishes on our nations history are important reminders of our failings in administering equality proportionately.Increasingly since 2008, there has been a nationwide surge in laws aimed at suppressing voting through limitations on early voting, purges of voter rolls, and voter identification laws. Such enactments adversely affect the elderly, and minorities such as African American and Latino voters. In (Shelby County v. Holder, 2013), the Supreme Court ruled that the coverage formula in Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act (VRA), which was used to determine the states and political subdivisions sph ere to Section 5 pre agnizeance, was unconstitutional. While the Court did not invalidate the preclearance mechanism in the Voting Rights Act per se, it effectively halted its use by invalidating the formula that determined which places were subject to the preclearance obligation (Shelby County v. Holder, 2013).Following the invalidation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965s (VRAs) preclearance scheme in Shelby County v. Holder,Section 2 proscribes any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting or standard, practice, or procedure . . . which results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen . . . to vote on account of race or color.Congress added the statutes results words in 1982 to clarify that section 2 violations do not require a showing of intentional discrimination they can be proved by showing discriminatory effect alone.Until recently, circuits arrive at been sharply divided on the appropriate disparate impact test to apply to section 2 vote denial claims (110 , no. Stat, codified, C, 2016). Per a Wisconsin federal court in 2014, three hundred thousand registered voters in that state lacked the forms of identification that Republican legislators deemed necessary to cast their ballots (Toobin, 2016). In June 2013, Texas passed (SB 14) which required voters to present one of six acceptable forms of identification to vote in person. Prior to this bank poster, residents could present voter registration certificates or sign an blasphemy if they did not produce one of the acceptable forms of identification available to them. Advocacy groups sought an injunction against the enforcement and in (Veasy v. Abbott, 2016), the fifth circuit court of appeals ruled against the bill as it would disproportionately burden black and Hispanic voters, thereby violating the federal Voting Rights Acts ban on racial discrimination in elections. there have been several other cases of the kind and it is likely that we will continue to see an increase of thes e laws and further discussion.An issue that is not surprisingly on the forefront of everyones minds when it comes to voting rights is the disenfranchisement of those convicted of felony crimes. The Supreme Court ruled in (Richardson v. Ramirez, 1974) that the disenfranchisement of convicted persons was constitutional under Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment which states except for mesh in rebellion, or other crime (Rossum and Tarr, 2014 p. 892). However, when considering that obligations have been or are being met while a sentence in being seed, convicted felons should be guaranteed to the right to voice their opinion on laws that whitethorn very well affect them in their current conditions. Additionally, the disproportionate incarceration of minorities across the nations is further evidence that there is a systematic failure in our systems of law and the ability to impart justice equality. Thirty-four states strip the voting rights of persons convicted of felonies in the past, irrespective if they served probationary periods or prison time. The inability to vote on key legislation or in elections is an additional loss of benefits to convicted persons, it further marginalizes them and does little to reduce recidivism. Those able to freely engage in society and expend their voice are more able to adapt and cope with the ramifications of their status such as the difficulty to find employment, the inability to work for the federal government, serve in the armed forces or seek political office. Every one of these examples is a reminder of past mistakes, the inability to vote should not be among them.There have been recent surges towards voting restoration laws and the universal right to vote. In 2015, (HR 1459), the Democracy comeback Act was re-introduced and subsequently referred to committee. Also, introduced in 2015, the Civil Rights Voting Restoration Act (S 457) and the Baltimore Act (S 1610), call for the restoration of voting privileges for those wh o have completed their prison terms. The creation of the Presidential Commission on Election Administration seeks to address some of the symptoms of the problems with our elections. But is cannot remedy the issue itself. This push towards access to the ballot reinforces the need for basic voting standards through the building of legislative protections for inclusive participation in our democracy. What is inherently germane to the issue is the need for an act guaranteeing a universal right to vote for all Americans. Only then would we truly have a democracy that is representative of all its people without preclusions thereof. A country that prides itself on its democratic principles should provide such voting standards, for its rich culture, its people, and its future.ReferencesBush v. Gore. (n.d.). Oyez. Retrieved February 5, 2017, from https//www.oyez.org/cases/2000/00-949Green, John. Tinkers Thinkers. (2014, February 18). The Constitution, the Articles, and Federalism break apar t Course US History 8. Video File. Retrieved from https//youtu.be/JHu6yTDflL4.Hughes, Keith. (2013, September 13). The Federalist Papers Explained. Video File. Retrieved from https//www.youtube.com/watch?v=b9lCkWJ72yE.Hughes, Keith. (2014, October 9). The 19th Amendment Explained The Constitution for Dummies. Video File. Retrieved from https//youtu.be/Qf7wX8yc1ws.Katzenbach v. Morgan. (n.d.). Oyez. Retrieved February 5, 2017, fromhttps//www.oyez.org/cases/1965/847Minor v. United States. (n.d.). Oyez. Retrieved February 5, 2017, fromhttps//www.oyez.org/cases/1969/189Rossum, R. A., Tarr, G. A. (9th ed.) (2014). American constitutional law The bill of rights and subsequent amendments (Volume II).Boulder, Colorado Westview Press.Shelby County v. Holder. (2013). Retrieved February 11, 2017, from Civil Rights,Retrieved from https//www.civilrights.org/shelby-county-v-holder.html?referrer=https//www.google.com/Shelby County v. Holder. (n.d.). Oyez. Retrieved February 11, 2017, fromhttps//w ww.oyez.org/cases/2012/12-96Toobin, J. (2016, December 12). Jeffrey Toobin. The New Yorker. Retrieved fromhttp//www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/12/12/the-real-voting-scandal-of-2016Women in the British warfare Effort 1914-1918Women in the British War Effort 1914-1918Assess the extent of the section make by women to the British war enterprise 1914-18.When discussing valet War One, one point that is often brought up is the contribution women made to the British war effort. It is clear that legion(predicate) women contributed to the war effort, be it through volunteering or working in factories to produce bombs and shells. Women were called to help through requests printed in newspapers, and hundreds enthusiastically volunteered to care for those who were sick or injured.1 It is often thought that many women jumped at the opportunity to help their country during the war, either out-of-pocket to their patriotism or because of the many new opportunities that were now opening up to them. It is often thought that the contributions that women made to the war effort eventually led to female suffrage in 1918. Though the right to vote was limited to women over the age of thirty, it was seen as a large step forward towards gender equality at the time by many. However, the question remains what contributions did women make to the British war effort that led to this? This essay shall explore the many different ways in which women contributed to the war, from manual labour to domestic chores.Regardless of the roles they played, many historians agree that the contributions that women made to the British war effort was vital in ensuring victory. As cosmos War One was the first instance of total war, a joint effort by both men and women on the front lines and back home was take in baseball club to succeed. It is often interpreted that the situation of women during the war was simple. Gail Braybon explains that it is a common misconception that women took over mens jobs during the war, and because of the work they did they were rewarded with the vote the reality, however, is more complicated.2 He states that in parade to understand women during this period, one must consider women both as subjects, and as objects of pity, derision, hostility or admiration.3 Alan G. V. Simmonds agrees with this, stating that historians are presented with many uncertainties when it comes to studying working women during the war.4 Indeed, exploring this area of history does prove to have challenges, from inaccurate government figures and the many different experiences that the war brought. Even then, it is agreed by many scholars that the contribution made by women to the British war effort was of high importance for many different reasons.When discussing the role of women during the First World War, many immediately think of those who volunteered to help with the sick and maimed during the war. The Voluntary Aid Detachments, also known as the VAD, was founded in 1909 and were a group of untrained nurses who assisted trained nurses by caring for patients. According to Anne Summers, the VADs have been portrayed as the epitome of enthusiasm, dedication and efficiency5, and between 1914 and 1919 at least 32,000 women served as military nurses.6 While the VADs were not permitted to ride to the front lines in order to treat wounded soldiers, many were sent abroad in order to serve at British bases one of the most well-known was in Calais. disrespect this, many VADs remained in Britain. The VADs were seen as highly important during war-time Britain, as they were needed in large numbers and quickly.7 It is often thought that a vast majority of those who volunteered to be part of the VAD were from middle- or upper-class backgrounds, and while this is true, it is important to note that a large flux of working class women joined the VAD towards the end of the war.8 The contribution that the VADs made towards the British war effort, in the end, was h ighly important. It is argued that they were so important that they were often compared to volunteer soldiers,9 which at the time would have increase patriotism in many. This comparison between soldiers and VADs is extremely important in showing how much these women contributed towards the British war effort that is, arguably, if the comparison had not been made then it would be safe to assume that the role women played was not of great importance in comparison to the men. Therefore, from this is can be proposed that the contribution that the VADs made to the British war effort was very important. alongside the VADs, there were other important volunteer groups set up during the war. The Womens Army accessary Corps (WAAC), later renamed Queen Marys Auxiliary Corps, were a group of women who were attached to the army that was founded in 1917. It was founded in order to help solve the issue of providing manpower for the army,10 though it was not taken very serious, especially by men. This was due to how, according to Gould, The idea of women performing military service was both disturbing and offensive to many people.11 Women were not anticipate to partake in activities such as this, which is why the WAAC was not taken seriously when it was founded. Even in 1907, when preparations for war were already underway, women were not expected to join the Territorial and Reserves Force, which aimed to train people to defend Britain against invasion.12 Due to how they were not harshly disciplined and were not expected to fight like men were, it can be disputed that the WAAC did not necessarily contribute much to the war effort in comparison to the VADs and munitionettes. Other organizations, such as the Womens Royal atmosphere Force (WRAF) and the Womens Land Army (WLA) were set up in 1918 and 1917 respectively in an attempt to get women to do their part. The WLA aimed to get more labour onto the handle in order to produce good harvests during the war and take over fro m men who had been called to join the army. Around 5,500 women applied by April 1917 and 45,000 women volunteered by the end of the war, only 23,000 women actually worked due to the reluctance for farmers.13 By volunteering for the WLA, women were able to help with food produce as well as have a sense of patriotism. As food is a necessity, it can therefore be argued that this contribution was important. Without the WLA it is possible that rationing in Britain would have been worse. That being said, as so many women were sullen away it can be said that perhaps the need for farmers was not as drastic as initially thought. Regardless, this contribution can still be seen as important due to the necessity for food.Another key role that is often discussed alongside the topic of womens contributions to the British war effort is women at work, especially the factory workers who were also known as the munitionettes. According to Angela Woollacott, women munition workers received public acc lamation for their part in the war effort.14 Working in munitions factories was extremely dangerous due to the high risks of injury and accidents, and it was because of this that many women involved in these accidents received the Order of the British Empire after the war.15 While the middle- and upper-classes tended to volunteer as nurses, a vast majority of women who worked in munitions factories were working class women who had to make a living in order to keep their families fed. After the Shell stain of 1915, there a greater focus on producing munitions for the war. Due to this, the number of workers who worked in industries classed under munitions increased for example, in 1914 170,000 women worked in the metal manufacturing, though this increased to 594,000 by 1918.16 Other industries appeared to experience a decrease in workers as women changed occupations to be of more use to the war effort, such as clothing and textiles. Alongside this, many factories dour to making mun itions in an attempt to help with the war effort. For example, Woollacott mentions that a tobacco factory began making shells whilst a gramophone factory turned to making shell-fuses.17 However, working in industry did not come without backlash. It is often thought that women replaced men, and this belief was strong during the war. In The Aberdare Leader, an article about a strife between two women stated that Women have replaced men in many a walk of life since the out- break of the war.18 This belief that women had replaced the men who had deceased off to war was fairly common during this period, and women were often reminded that their jobs were only temporary. Deborah Throm writes that the number of women who joined the workforce replacing men is questionable,19 mainly due to the lack of authoritative figures that support this view. Women were also excluded from certain jobs, such as coal-mining and dock work, meaning that it is impossible for women to have replaced men in th e workforce during this period.20 Regardless, the contribution women made to industry during the war is quite important, especially when one considers the Shell Scandal of 1915. With women working in munitions factories, the possibility of another crisis happening had decreased, and even then they were working in a dangerous environment that saw thousands of injuries and fatalities.Alongside working in factories and volunteering, women were also expected to keep performing their regular domestic duties. This resulted in a double burden, meaning that many married women had to work in order to feed their family as well as care for said family when they were not working. In some cases, it was noted that some women had barely six hours sleep due to her duties at home and at work. 21It was important that women unploughed the homefires burning and acted as though everything was normally back home, mainly due to the fear that fathers and sons would not make it back home. During the war ma rried women were expected to leave their jobs in order to realise after their family, though not many wanted to or could afford to.22 Many middle- and upper-class women were in the position where they could afford to leave work, thought the lower-class could not. Therefore, regardless of whether they were in employment or not, women were expected to look after the home as though was had not happened. Alongside this, many women did all they could to watch that they could help those on the front lines. Watson mentions that during the war many women adopted prisoners of war and sent them letters.23 Homemade goods such as knitted mufflers and socks were also sent to men on the front lines, alongside chocolate and cigarettes, as a form of comfort and a reminder of home.24 This was quite an important contribution towards the war effort. This is because, by doing this, it was believed that goods from home would increase morality for the men who were fighting on the front lines. Women al so tried to persuade men into joining the war through the blanched Feather Movement. While in some cases this can be seen as cruel, women would bestow men who were not at war with a white feathering to show their cowardice. To some this may have encouraged them to enrol before conscription was introduced, though to others who may have received them it would have been unfair, mainly due to invisible disabilities that may have prevented them from enrolling. Nevertheless, the White Feather Movement during the war would not have contributed to much long-term. Womens domestic roles, however, was an extremely important contribution that kept the illusion that everything was normal afloat. Therefore, it can be argued that womens contributions to the home was important for the war effort, even as important as the munition workers and those in employment.The overall contributions that women made to the British war effort were extremely important, both in helping those abroad as well as thos e back home. Despite the fact that many people were still prejudiced against women working outside of their normal occupations, such as nursing and sewing,25 it is undeniable that the overall contributions women made to the British war effort was of high importance. Women workers and those who volunteered during the war were, arguably, the most important when it came to contributions, due to the overall impact and contributions that they made. With VADs helping the sick and munition workers making shells and bombs for the army, it is understandable why women were praised considerably during the war despite initial prejudice. Their hard work during the war it why many say that it led to women gaining the right to vote. While this is still somewhere debates amongst historians, it is somewhat clear that their hard work had some role in ensuring women suffrage. All women were seen as having an important role at home and abroad during the war, be it volunteering or solely looking after t he home. The contributions that women made to the British war effort are important in the sense that it helped women experience a new life, for example working in areas that they may not have worked in before, as well as help the war effort as a whole to vitiate womens contributions is, in a way, to undermine an entire part of the war.BibliographyPrimary SourcesThe Aberdare Leader, 29th June 1918, National Library of Wales.Secondary SourcesBeddoe, Deirdre. Back to Home and Duty Women Between the Wars 1918-1939, London, 1989.Constantine, Stephen, Kirby, Maurice W and Rose, Mary B. The First World War in British History, Great Britain, 1995.Gowdy-Wygant, Cecilia. Cultivating victory The Womens Land Army and the Victory Garden, Pittsburgh, 2013.Higonnet, Margaret Randolph, Jenson, Jane, Michel, Sonya and Weitz, Margaret Collins. Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, New Haven and London, 1987.Marwick, Arthur. The Deluge, Hampshire, 2006.Simmonds, Alan G.V. Britain and World War One, Oxon, 2012.Summers, Anne. Angels and Citizens, Newbury, 2000.Wall, Richard and Winter, Jay. The Upheaval of War, Cambridge, 1988.Watson, Janet S. K. khaki Girls, VADs, and Tommys Sisters Gender and Class in First World War Britain, The International History Review, Vol. 19, No. 1, Feb 1997, pp. 32-51.Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, California, 1994.1 Gould, Jenny. Womens Military Service in First World War Britain in Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, Higonnet, Margaret Randolph, Jenson, Jane, Michel, Sonya and Weitz, Margaret Collins (eds.), p. 116.2 Braybon, Gail. Women and the War in The First World War in British History, Constantine, Stephen, Kirby, Maurice W and Rose, Mary B (eds.), p. 141.3 Braybon, Gail. Women and the War in The First World War in British History, Constantine, Stephen, Kirby, Maurice W and Rose, Mary B (eds.), p. 141.4 Simmonds, Alan G. V. Britain and World War One, p. 129.5 Summers, Anne. Angels and Citizens, p. 227.6 S ummers, Anne. Angels and Citizens, p. 231.7 Summers, Anne. Angels and Citizens, p. 232.8 Watson, Janet S. K. chromatic Girls, VADs, and Tommys Sisters Gender and Class in First World War Britain, The International History Review, p. 33.9 Watson, Janet S. K. Khaki Girls, VADs, and Tommys Sisters Gender and Class in First World War Britain, The International History Review, p. 34.10 Gould, Jenny. Womens Military Service in First World War Britain in Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, p. 114.11 Gould, Jenny. Womens Military Service in First World War Britain in Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, p. 117.12 Gould, Jenny. Womens Military Service in First World War Britain in Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, p. 115.13 Gowdy-Wygant, Cecilia. Cultivating Victory The Womens Land Army and the Victory Garden, p. 40.14 Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, p. 8.15 Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, p. 8.16 Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, p. 25.17 Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, p. 28.18 The Aberdare Leader, 29th June 1918, p. 8.19 Deborah Throm. Women and Work in Wartime Britain in The Upheaval of War, Wall, Richard and Winter, Jay, p. 308.20 Braybon, Gail. Women and the War in The First World War in British History, Constantine, Stephen, Kirby, Maurice W and Rose, Mary B (eds.), p. 150.21 Warwick, Arthur. The Deluge, p. 154.22 Woollacott, Angela. On Her Their Lives Depend, p. 152.23 Watson, Janet S. K. Khaki Girls, VADs, and Tommys Sisters Gender and Class in First World War Britain, The International History Review, p.p. 36-7.24 Watson, Janet S. K. Khaki Girls, VADs, and Tommys Sisters Gender and Class in First World War Britain, The International History Review, p. 37.25 Gould, Jenny. Womens Military Service in First World War Britain in Behind the Lines Gender and the Two World Wars, p. 118.

South African Show Shaka Zulu Film Studies Essay

southwesterly Afri discharge Show Shaka Zulu Film Studies EssayIn late 1986, the confederation African air Corporation (SABC) created a boob tube mini- series by the name of Shaka Zulu. It would parent an instant and huge success, and by 1992 it had been seen by over 350 million viewers in southeasterly Africa and abroad (Tomaselli 1992). Best described as an diachronic drama, the series centred on the first recorded encounter between disastrouss and uncontaminatings in southeast Africa, with particular centralise on the interactions between an exploratory British party, led by Lieutenant Francis Fargonwell (Edward Fox), and the ruler of a indicantful and dangerous demesne, the legendary Shaka Zulu (Henry Cele) (Hamilton 1998, p.171). In brief, the account follows Farewells band of men (including the floorings narrator, Henry Francis Fynn) as they head to Zululand to dissuade Shaka from an attack on the Cape Colony. They are shipwrecked, captured by the Zulus, and come to learn about how Shakas country was built. Within this structure, Fynns diary is employ as a mechanism for a series of flashbacks which tell Shakas life story his conception and birth (he is illegitimate), his life as an outcast, and his rise to power (Hamilton 1998). It is a violent portrayal Shaka is shown to be destined to rule through brutality (Fynn records that Shakas m another(prenominal)wise gave birth to a population of riptide-stained spears) (Faure 1986) and spends near of his time angrily taking r veritable(a)ge on those who hand over wronged him (Tomaselli 1992). Eventu every(prenominal)y, with the death of his mother, Nandi (Dudu Mkhize), Shaka is struck by a violent grief and the series ends with the Zulu kingdom in flames (Hamilton 1998, p.172). Farewell and company prove unable to save Shaka from himself, and the Zulu nation falls into chaos.Before conducting an analysis of the television series itself, it is worth examining how Shaka was remembered in Zul u culture gigantic before the show was even commissioned. bid all write up, there is no single voice in Zulu oral accounts of Shakas rule. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, disparate Zulu interests drew on disparate Shakas to animation their actions in a changing world (Hamilton 1992, p.62). Thus, accounts differ significantly about linchpin episodes in his life and basically in their evaluation of the Zulu king and the Zulu remembrance of Shaka has not always been unanimously favourable towards him (Hamilton 1998, p.53). Having said this, Hallencreutz (1989, p.73) contests that we can roughly view the appreciative, complimentary izibongo (praise singers) as the amount of money of the established Zulu tradition, and the more than critical oral accounts as belonging to other related ethnic groups. And the fact that the legacy of the Shaka izibongo has tended to persist in situations of political crisis seems to support this claim. Thus the legend of Shaka, as he i s remembered by Zulu oral historians, is probably best captured by those who pursue the izibongo tradition to few extent. I would suggest that the memory of Shaka is, for the most part, exemplified by poets such as Mazisi Kunene (1979 cited Hallencreutz 1989, p.75) who ends his commemoration of Shaka (based on Zulu oral accounts) as followsHe is an Ancestral Spirit he cannot be stabbed.Even now they sing his song. They call his name.They dance in the arena listening to the echoes of his epicsTill the end of time-they shall sing of him.Till the end of time his shield shall shelter the booster from the windsAnd his children shall rise like locusts.They shall scatter the dust of our enemies,They shall make our earth free for the Palm Race.Thus, while it is important to note that Zulu accounts of Shaka can and do differ greatly from hailing him as a benevolent attractor to decrying him as a violent killer it is evident that they tend to fundamentally acknowledge that Shaka was an extraordinary man (Cele 2001, p.119). sundry(a) factors, including a perpetual need to describe the achievements of a leader who stood up to white expansion (especially considering South Africas particular biography), have resulted in Shakas uniqueness and extraordinariness world prominent features in almost all Zulu oral histories (Cele 2001, p.121). While not unanimously favourable towards him, Zulu oral histories about Shaka would never portray him as world dependent on or subservient to the white man.As I am arguing that Shaka Zulu demonstrates how myth can be stripped down and re-imagined, it is excessively necessary for the purposes of this essay, to illustrate how and why Shakas story in Zulu oral history falls under the broad banner of myth (as used in the bookish sense). Obviously, the definition of myth is a contested one. Nevertheless, I would argue that the Shaka legend, as remembered in Zulu culture, is mythological in almost every sense of the word. For instance , Mircea Eliade (cited Segal 2004, p.60) suggests that the mere religious riteistic recitation of the highpoints in a events biography (as demonstrated by the Zulu izibongo) posits that characters life as myth. The simple act of creating an oral biography for a famous historical figure like Shaka can trans spurt them into near-gods and their sagas into myths (Eliade cited Segal 2004, p.53). Certainly, the Shaka story seems to comply with Levi-Strauss assertion that it is almost a prerequisite of myth that it starts out as an oral tradition (Leach 1974, p.56). In recording Shakas life in oral form, historical truths are transfigured, resulting in a new reality with a highly mythic character as chief protagonist (Mersham 1993). Hence, by the time the Shaka Zulu television show was commissioned in 1986, Zulu culture had already transfigured Shakas history into something quite mythic.Various elements of the Shaka story also c fall behindly resemble many of the telltale characteristics of myth as defined by theorists. For instance, Segal (2004, p.5) states that it is a prerequisite of myths that the main figures be personalities divine, human, or even animal. Shaka indisputablely fits this bill, as his presence tends to dominate Zulu folklore, where he is positioned somewhere in between divine and human (and he was even hailed as the great elephant by his praise singers) (Kunene 1979, p.13). Both Mersham (1993) and Cele (2001) go so far as to suggest that the man was (and is) for some Zulus a black Jesus Christ a token of deliverance from out-of-door oppressors. Shakas story also evidences such highly mythic themes such as fratricide (Shaka was assassinated by his half brothers, Dingane and Mhlangana). This underrating of blood relations is a key feature of myth in Levi-Strauss terms (Leach 1974, p.76). Otto Rank (cited Segal 2004, p.96), in The Myth of the Birth of the Hero, suggests that dislike of two brothers for each other is often traceable to the compe tition for the tender devotion and love of the mother. While this isnt necessarily the case with Shakas story, his love for his mother, Nandi, is well-documented (and is a key element in the Shaka myth). Shakas life, as it is remembered in Zulu culture, essentially is, by Northrop Fryes definition (cited Segal 2004, 81), a bay-myth it is the myth of the life of the chock. His life story adapts closely to Fryes four stages of birth, triumph, isolation, and the heros defeat. As Rank (cited Segal 2004, p.96) states, the mythological hero is heroic and triumphant be instance he rises from relative obscurity to, typically, the throne. And usually, like Shaka, he is a victim of Fate.Further, the Shaka narrative is mythic in the way it operates within the community which invests in it. Wylie (1997) argues that Shakas life story has achieved the status of myth, simply by virtue of the fact that it has garnered an actority of its own which is unthinkingly followed and repeated despite h istorical channelises or the rise of contrary evidence. In being simplified and made innocent to its receivers, history has become myth, and myth is smashn a natural and eternal justification (Barthes 1993, p.143). mythical history is above questioning and bereft of factual detail. It is not so much an explanation of events as it is a statement of fact (Barthes 1993, p.143). This is a key hallmark of myth, allowing it to function as it does in modern gild. Myth, says Levi-Strauss (cited Leach 1974, p.59) is powerful in that novices of the society who hear the myths for the first time are being indoctrinated by the bearers of the tradition a tradition, which in theory at any rate, has been handed down from long dead ancestors. Through the recitation of this tradition and the passing of time, says Barthes (1993, p.142), things lose the memory that they were once made. In the case of the Shaka myth, this untouchability of a mythic characters life story has had very real social a nd political ramifications (as will be discussed later).Finally, I would suggest that myths that are successful in modern-day societies almost always go some way to explaining and commemorating the founding of that society. The Shaka myth both in its original form and as it is recreated for the television show is a classic embodiment of the myth of a founding community an origin (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.132). It is typically mythic in that it explains how one state of affairs became another how a plurality of tribes became a nation (and the rendition of the myth in the television series ultimately served to legitimate KwaZulus leaders rightfulnesss to rule in 1986)(Mersham 1993). The man who played the central part in the establishment of the nation is the main figure. The cult of Shaka is mythological in that it honours his role in the establishment of the Zulu nation (Segal 2004, p.59). But where the myth described by Zulu oral historians focuses on the creation of the nation under Shaka, the television show emphasises an equally mythic but quite different side to the kings rule his downfall. The myth as depicted in Shaka Zulu closely matches the native American myths that so intrigued Levi-Strauss myths whereThe entire story aims at explaining why afterwards their first beginning, a given clan or lineage or group of lineages have overcome a great many ordeals, known periods of success and periods of failures, and have been progressively led towards a disastrous ending. It is an extremely pessimistic story, really the history of a downfall.(Levi-Strauss 1989, p.38)I will argue that the filmmakers (and their SABC backers) adopted this approach to the myth as a means of warning against violence in the pursuit of power (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.132). Thus, a highly mythic story element was used to serve a very real function. A new myth, with a very different message, was manufactured to replace the old.How filmmakers able make mythIt should no w be evident how the Shaka myth developed and endured in Zulu oral histories. However, I will argue further that the creators of the Shaka Zulu television show essentially took this and recreated their own, new mythology to suit their own purposes. According to Barthes (1982 cited Wylie 1997), myth is an empty parasitical form, enabling it to be re facial expressionted and reconstituted in motley incarnations. While initially based in history, it is necessarily incomplete, accepted as truth but effectively divorced from the contingency of events (Wylie 1997). Thus, the line between history and mythology and I would argue, an original mythology and reinvented mythology as in the series is effectively blurred. Thus, there is room for new mythologies to effectively be invented which claim to be based on the said(prenominal) historical truths which inspired the original narratives. As Levi-Strauss (1989, p.38) asks, where does mythology end and where does history start?. The simple opposition between mythology and history which has traditionally been treated as a given is not at all a clear-cut one (Levi-Strauss 1989, p.40), and space is made for new mythologies to be created on essentially the same histories. In short, the creators of Shaka Zulu created a new mythology based on an old mythology originally linked to an almost two-hundred year old history.Hence, I argue that the Shaka Zulu television series adapted the Shaka Zulu myth for western eyes. For instance, grotesque witchdoctors were included in the show to serve the narrative function of magical creatures who aid or threaten the heros quest (Parks 1982 cited in Tomaselli 1992). While historically inaccurate and politically dubious, magical elements are included for television as they are integral to the western mythical formula (Tomaselli 1992). Tomaselli (1992) goes so far as to suggest that the very fact that television is a western form of expression doomed Shaka Zulu to being a white, Western i nterpretation of the myth from the start. I would not necessarily go that far, but I would maintain that series was, either consciously or unconsciously, fashioned to conform to western feelings of myth. Like the witchdoctors, the white crews sea voyage into a mysterious and dangerous land in Part One of the series hearkens back to some of the oldest myths in western culture. Likewise, the television show is laden with western notions of prophecy. Shakas rise to power is explained almost entirely in terms of the witchdoctor, Sitayis prophecy. Before the party result for Zululand, Fynn talks of a prophetic child who it is said will bring with him an era in which the name amaZulu will signify terror and death. (Faure 1986). Similarly, with his birth, the narration talks of how the prophecy was about to begin its determined path (Faure 1986). The links with other canonical western myths such as that of Oedipus are self-evident. Thus, Shaka Zulu, in its efforts to subscribe to the co nventions of the mythic form familiar to western audiences, deviates notably from the mythology evidenced in Zulu oral accounts. Where Zulu mythologies about Shaka tended to cut through the bizarre to the essence of depictions, Shaka Zulu was obsessed with the surreal (Tomaselli 1992). The inescapable result was an othering of the Zulu raft in a show almost unrecognisable alongside the history it professed to present.Actual analysis showContentThere can be minuscular doubt that much of the shows actual content is, at best, dubious in its portrayal of the Zulu the great unwashed and the history of Shakas rule. The Zulus portrayed are a bizarre and violent people (Tomaselli 1992). The first scenerys in which Zululand are shown are typified by bloody warfare and crying infants. In fact, when we first encounter Shakas kingdom in Part One of the series, we do so through the eyes of the bewildered white party surrounded by sweating masses speak a strange language, mysterious drum be ats and an almost constant procession of war parties running around for no apparent reason (Faure 1986). Certainly, little effort has been made by the filmmakers to portray the everyday, mundane life of the Zulu people the emphasis is almost wholly on public, frequently violent rituals (Tomaselli 1992). The act of making the Other a spectacle is principal characteristic of western, bourgeois myth, says Barthes (1993, p.152), and this is process is patent in Shaka Zulu. Like his subjects, Shaka is also othered as a barbarian megalomaniac with an obsessive bank for revenge (Mersham 1993). Failure to please him carries the penalty of him killing every member of the party (Faure 1986). And, like all the Zulus, he is dictated to by superstition and ritual Have the armies assembled by the next full moon is one of the first commands we hear (Faure 1986). And perhaps the most startling subversion of history and myth comes in the form of the shows witchdoctors. What in truth were perfect ly ordinary natural healers are depicted as superhuman, grotesque individuals (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.135). Scary and monsterish, their arrival in a scene is almost always accompanied by thunder and lightning and rain (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.135). In truth, these izangoma were welcomed as an integral part of the community a far cry from the creatures with hot eyes that command packs of hyenas and maintain dens of dwarfs (Hamilton 1998, p.179). Thus, Zulu ritual is presented as being disgusting and frightening. (Hamilton 1998, p.179). Tomaselli and Shepperson (2002, p.135) argue that such a typical white misinterpretation of Zulu cultural work out is legitimised by the show positing itself as a mythology not, I would argue, a mythology familiar to Zulu history, but one that has been manufactured by white producers for audiences in 1986. It is a typically white version of a native myth (as evidenced by an almost Pocahontas-like scene of Nandi as a young Zulu maiden b eing watched as she washes at a misty waterfall) (Faure 1986). It is a myth reconfigured to make a modern-day impact.StyleThe series is also notable for the clear stylistic decisions on how it was scene. There is a very obvious distinction made between those shots that depict the Zulu nation and those featuring the whites in the Cape Colony. The tribal Zulu scenes are largely shot through a sepia filter, with an over-emphasis on yellows, browns and bloody reds. The only deviation from this formula comes during the night-time scenes chilling blue, rife with thunder and lightning, and loaded with imagery of sorcery, magic and the ghostlike (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.134). Tomaselli and Shepperson (2002, p.134) argue that ethnographic detail is deliberately obscured by the hazy sepia lighting, the clouds of smoke made by fog machines and the mass of shiny, sweaty (oiled) black skins. The end point of intersection is a smudge of objects and people, depicted as an incomprehensibl e writhing, pulsating and faceless dark mass as they dart about the landscape in a surprise of dust. (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.134). Again, I would argue there is something quite mythic about this hazy, blurry portrayal of a people. This is in stark contrast to the shots of white people in the Cape Colony, which are whiter, truer and do not contain the clashes between hot and chilling colours (Tom Shepperson, p.134). Thus, the binary oppositions that Levi-Strauss argues are so integral to myth are blatant white vs black light vs darkness civilisation vs barbarity rationality vs magic normal behaviour vs ritual peace vs war and format vs chaos (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.134). Again, conscious decisions from the filmmakers have resulted in a new, subverted mythology. And I would argue that this essentially racist version of Shakas story professes to audiences to be the canonical version of the myth.Intentions etcLike all stories, re-imagined mythologies such as that on sho w in Shaka Zulu are clouded by the conventions of narrative in terms of prevailing worldviews (Tomaselli 1992). In other words, the creators of Shaka Zulu were dictated to in their mythmaking by the established ideologies of the time. The show is, thus, inextricably linked to the socio-political situation in South Africa at the time of its creation (Tomaselli 1992). Further, any informant cannot help but impart something of his or her worldview on audiences when broadcasting a creation to the public domain. As van Jaarsveld (cited Mersham 1993) argues, as soon as an author (in this case, director William C Faure) presents an interpretation of the past, they are putting forward an arsenal of arguments for formulating decisions about the future. Thus, it was not by accident that the Shaka myth (and message) presented on screen differed so greatly from that recounted by Zulu oral historians.Director William C Faures stated intentions for the series were explicit to bring the story of Shaka Zulu home to the Zulu people (Faure 1986). He is quoted (cited Tomaselli 1992) as sayingShakas life was originally recorded by white historians who imposed upon their accounts bigoted and sensationalist values often labelling the Zulus as savage and barbaric. It is our intention with this series to change that view.However, as Barthes posits, all myths are founded on a concealment of some meanings and the interested promotion of others (Rylance 1994, p.47) and there was more motivating Faure than just the desire to right historical wrongs. He also hoped that show would shed light on South Africa, correct misconceptions and change the system (Hamilton 1992, p.181). It appears to have been his deepest wish that the show would equilibrium international perceptions about the conflict in 1980s South Africa, and thus whatever intentions he had to redress the injustices of history became distorted by his commitment to this objective (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.131). Thus, Tomas elli and Shepperson (2002, p.133) argue that Faures project was couched, perhaps unintentionally, within apartheid discourse, and does no justice to either Shaka or history. This is just further evidence that mythology as a story form is manufactured to suit prevailing worldviews.From the off, Faures creation was fraught with apparent political interference. The series writer, Joshua Sinclair, removed himself from the production when he was made aware of the directors links with South African Military Intelligence (Blignaut cited Tomaselli 1992). Faure was also convinced out of using Zulu poet, Mazisi Kunenes epic Emperor Shaka the Great as source material, as it was deemed to be likewise critical of white people and because Kunene was an exiled member of the African National Congress (ANC) (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.130). However, the relationship between the filmmaker and the SABC (and the state) was by no means a naive one. Faure liaised equally closely with not only the Zu lu royal family (inviting the Zulu prince Gideon onto set as a cultural advisor) but also the Zulu government (Tomaselli 1992). Yet even with these efforts to search Zulu approval, we shall see that the level of state involvement was tangible. The key to Shaka Zulus unique success was in that it was able to establish a myth that was acceptable to both those who already had their own version of Shakas story and those largely unfamiliar with it.The apartheid government saw Shaka Zulu as an opportunity to reformulate the myth in a way that would more closely suit their plans. Initially a powerful tale of a hero resisting white oppression, the myth was transformed into something quite different. At the time of Shaka Zulus release, South Africa was in a state of violent political turmoil. The apartheid regime was fast coming around to the idea that solutions to the violence in South African society had to be found. Thus, Faures proposed television series offered the state and the SABC a key opportunity to present all South Africans with a drama advocating interracial collaboration and characterisation the dangers of its failure (Hamilton 1998, p.181). As Barthes (1993, p.156) states, mythology harmonises with the world, not as it is, but as it wants to create itself. The mythology of Shaka Zulu was, in effect, a reflection of how the government thought South Africa should be. Shaka Zulu represented an opportunity for the government to promote a resolution based on order (apparently best reflected by the capitalist Inkatha freedom Party) over disorder (basically, the socialist ANC granting immunity fighters) (Tomaselli 1992). To the apartheid government, order implied keeping nations separate according to tribal homeland, and Tomaselli (1992) argues that the series insistence on manufacturing a dichotomy between savagery and civilisation only served to substantiate apartheid discourse that black people should be allowed to develop in their own way in their own areas. The government also needed cooperative, authoritarian black leaders to implement their visions of peaceful segregation. Someone, says Hamilton (1998, p.184) like Shaka Zulu. The closest match was the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, whose links with Zulu royalty made him and his fellow party leaders the shows perfect target audience.Shaka Zulu effectively acted as a means for the government to communicate its reformist visions to Buthelezi and his leadership. For instance, the chaos of the Zulu kingdom portrayed in the final episode after Shakas rejection of white interaction came as a stern warning to black politicians such as Buthelezi of the consequences of trying to go it alone (Hamilton 1998, p.184) (as an interesting aside, it is worth noting how this all fits into Levi-Strauss insistence that the chief moral implication of myth is that self-interest is the source of all evil) (cited Leach 1974, p.81). Refusal to cooperate with the apartheid st ate (just like Shakas refusal to establish a truce with the Cape Colony in the show) would only result in flames and chaos will prevail (Hamilton cited Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.32). Again the myth of the downfall on screen was used to warn against risking the Zulu nations downfall in the real, physical world. The message behind the new myth was clear.The project was not without its critics. The production was universally rejected by anti-apartheid who were conflict for non-racial democracy. Most white anti-apartheid historians were appalled by the series historical inaccuracies (Tomaselli 1992). Wright (cited Mersham 1993) slated the show for pandering to a whole range of colonial and racist stereotypes about the Zulus a people reduced to singing, dancing, fighting. Hamilton states that the multitude of Unzulu untraditional features had many critics baffled as to how the series gained royal approval (Hamilton 1998, p.185). Also, while the series did show Shaka to be a leader of calibre and talent, Hamilton (1998) argues that it was guilty of repeating older stereotypes of his psychological imbalances and bloodthirstiness. Mazisi Kunene (cited Tomaselli 1992) lambasted the series as a rotten a propaganda tool aimed at aimed at projecting the Zulu people and their king as bloodthirsty savages and whites as their saviours. Yet for all the shows obvious failings, the show was an immense success evidence, in my opinion, of the power of the mythic form.UsesCuriously, the Shaka Zulu myth would prove to be as acceptable to the Zulu leadership as it was to the forces that influenced its creation. This has a lot to do with the anxieties within Zulu society at the time of the shows release. Ernst Cassirer wrote in The Myth of the articulate (1946 cited Segal 2004, p.39) that myth resurfaces as a means of explanation when the rational forces that resist the rise of the old mythical conceptions are no longer sure of themselves. In these moments, he says, the tim e for myth has come again (1946 cited Segal 2004, p.39). Late apartheid South Africa was such a time. Myth is dangerous in that it is a social-psychological paradigm ply for a particular anxiety in society, yet still as in the case of Shaka Zulu presents itself as something born out of historical truths (Wylie 1997). Thus, myth tends to give a natural justification to the worldviews it supports (Barthes 1993, p.142). Historical veracity becomes far less important than the ways in which the myth is appropriated and utilised. As Barthes (1993, p.144) states Men do not have with myth a relationship based on truth but on use. For Buthelezi and the IFP, the truthfulness of the myth was far less important than the socio-political purposes it could serve.The white version of the Shaka Zulu myth arrived on South African television screens at a time of great political strife in the Zulu homeland of KwaZulu. Buthelezis Inkatha Freedom Party was involved in a bloody conflict with the Africa n National Congress for legitimate rule. Where the ANC sought multi-party democracy, the IFP stood for Zulu independence, and thus Shaka Zulus emphasis on ethnicity and equating it with nationhood proved to be more than acceptable fillip to Buthelezi (Tomaselli Shepperson 2002, p.133). Mangosuthu Buthelezi was very conscious of the power of the Shaka myth. At political rallies, the IFP leader would be seen wearing the same chassis of Zulu royal regalia that Shaka is shown to wear in the series (Tomaselli 1992). In fact, the wearing of traditional, ceremonial skin garments became a marker of Zuluness for IFP politicians (causing many anti-IFP Zulu-speakers to take offence to the notion that they should become postcard Zulus) (Klopper 1996, p.55). Thus, I argue that it is no contradiction that Shaka Zulu could simultaneously portray the Zulu people as backward, uncivilised and tribal and be a fomite for legitimating the IFP leadership (Mersham 1993). Tribalism helped the IFPs cause . Further, Buthelezi would explicitly compare himself with the Zulu royalty of Shakas time throughout the 1980s as a means of gaining political credibility with the Zulu people. Thus, the fact that the Shaka Zulu myth was so fresh in the Zulu consciousness with the shows broadcast, became a means for the IFP to bestow its leadership with legitimate authority (Tomaselli 1992). Like Shaka once did, Buthelezi now became the man who would lead his nation against its colonial oppressors (Tomaselli 1992). Tomaselli (1992) even argues that Inkathas militia wing was mobilised as a reincarnation of Shakas impi (military), as a means of inspiring popular support for their (frequently violent) cause. Within the Zulu community, Buthelezis cause was strengthened by Inkathas close identification with the loyalty, discipline and bowing and scraping for Shaka shown in the show (Mersham 1993). Obedience to the leader in the TV series myth was shown to be an innate aspect of Zulu culture questioning Buthelezi was implied to be unZulu. Despite its flaws both in terms of historical accuracy and prejudiced portrayals the Shaka Zulu myth was lauded by the Inkatha leadership as being faithful to their king, and a positive mobilising force for Zulu nationalism (Tomaselli 1992). Thus the Shaka Zulu show became a mechanism for the IFP to portray itself as successor and protector of the historical pride of the Zulu nation (Tomaselli 1992). The unsavoury aspects of the shows portrayal of the Zulu people and the downfall of Shaka were superfluous. The myth of a great Zulu leader standing up to outside oppression and the implied suggestion that a new leader had it in him to do likewise were all that mattered. Buthelezi was happy to ride on the dramatic success of the series, even if a perceived concession of the series objectionable features was the price to pay. (Hamilton 1998, p.186).GET OWN WORDSWhat I have tried to show is that in certain viewing contexts, Shaka Zulu offered a legi timacy for both ruling government and anti-apartheid elements (eg. the Kwa Zulu legislature and Inkatha).Barthes, R., 1993. Mythologies. London Vintage.Cele, TT., 2001. Qualities of King Shaka as Portrayed in Zulu Oral Testimony and in Izibongo. South African Journal of African Languages, 2, 118-131.Fernandez, JW., 1967. The Shaka Complex. Transition, 29, 11-14. on tap(predicate) from http//www.jstor.org/stable/2934231 Accessed 8 January 2010Hallencreutz, CF., 1989. Tradition and Theology in Mofolos Chaka. Journal of Religion in Africa, 19 (1), 71-85. Available from http//www.jstor.org/stable/1581183 Accessed 8 January 2010Hamilton, C., 1998. Terrific Majesty The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invention. Cape Town David Philip Publishers.Hamilton, C., 1992. The Character and Objects of Chaka A Reconsideration of the Making of Shaka as Mfecane Motor. The Journal of African History, 33 (1), 37-63. Available from http//www.jstor.org/stable/182274 Accessed 15 Decembe r 2009Harries, P. 1993. Imagery, Symbolism and Tradition in a South African Bantustan Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Inkatha, and Zulu History. History and Theory, 32 (4), 105-125. Available f

Rainbows and Rain :: Personal Narrative Sports Frisbee Essays

Rainbows and Rain I sit on my bed taking off my cleats as I hang the Frisbee over the huge torn chunk of wall, caused my removal of the corkboard and the wonders of wall tape. I finish my dinner and realize that the great idea of placing my plate into my Frisbee tray is not such a great idea when the plate is permanently stuck inside the Frisbee for a whole three minutes as struggle to pull it out. I scale the roof of my grandmothers cabin in order to save my Frisbee from beating rains, intolerable sun, and absolute loneliness. I scale the steep widows weeds and ivy groves in order to save my Frisbee from the treacherous rivers which roars below. I pull and huck the Frisbee. I toss and pass the Frisbee. My hands turn red and haywire in the cold and fast and sweet in the heat. The Frisbee sails in the sky meeting the sunset horizons before a swift catch and speedy feed sends it again, through a similar cycle, of virtuallything I call magic. To sprint, and just believe t hat if I reach out far enough I will dead meet the disc and it will meet my hand as one total motion has been completed. The power of running as the Frisbee flies over your head, as you lose all sense of gravity to make the final grasp at spinning disc, is the beginning of the high. Just before you meet the ground, whether it a be serious layout or you end up tasting grass, dirt, fertilizer, its a worth it, just as long as you have caught the Frisbee. And the high sinks into the spiritualty of it all victory is possible in that mighty catch. Truly we are Heroins. This, my friends, is the sport the absolute addiction, of one single disc, cleats (or no shoes if you prefer), some grudging comfy clothing, H2O, and a heroin teammate. But its not just throwing and catching, which I cannot resist. And I mean I really cannot accept the idea of pack throwing out in the quad without me. If players of old, and players of new are throwing the Frisbee all I can do is join. Even in HI, at Kona beach, people were throwing---no one I knew---I knew that I just had to play and they were totally cool about it all.

Media and Society Essay -- Papers

Media and Society Does society influence media or does media influence society? In a modern world, dependent on continuous communication this is a very important question. If the world were not dependent on communication everywhere large distances, schooling on a mess basis would not be possible or necessary. Most knowledge in traditional cultures was local knowledge, (Geertz 1983) traditions that were passed on through a local community, a very slow and long drawn out process. Today we live in the Whole humans in a way that would have been inconceivable to anyone who lived before the 19th century. IMAGE We are now aware of news and situations thousands of miles away, all due to e-communications making much(prenominal) awareness almost instantaneous in the 21st Century. Rapid transfers and e-communications have greatly intensified global diffusion of information. (Anthony Giddens Sociology 1995) IMAGE Society today loves stories produced by mas s media sudden death, scandal, and happy endings enter our ...

Immigrants and Assimilation into American Society Essay -- Immigration

Immigrants and Assimilation into American Society Several years ago, America was taught to be a melting pot, a place where immigrants of different cultures or races form an integrated society, but now America is more of a salad bowl where instead of forming an incorporated entity the people who make up the bowl are un leaded to unite as one. America started as an immigrant nation and has continued to be so. People all over the world come to America for several(prenominal) reasons. just about people come to America voluntarily, but very few come unwillingly. For whatever reasons they may defecate for coming they all fuddle to face scene to American society. When exposed to this new society they choose whether to assimilate or not. Assimilation in any society is complex. Since assimilation is not simple, people will have negative experiences when assimilating into American society. In American society, acquisition to speak English properly is a crucial factor in assimilat ion. People who have decided to come to America have found it rather difficult to assimilate into American society for several reasons. One reason being that learning a new linguistic communication is or can be considerably difficult depending on your age. This is so because the act of learning a new language such as English, is much more difficult for an elderly person than for one who has not reached adolescence. According to Grognet, for elderly people there are several factors that affect their willingness to learn. Among those factors are, physical health, mental health, cultural expectations, attitude, motivation and finally the ability to acquire the correct diction, and to suitable articulation (Grognet 296-297). For a person who has not reached the prepubertal age, it is... ...accomplished the assimilation into one race, it consists of people sharing a similar identity. In the words of Richard Rodriguez, ?We are gathered together-but as individuals?we stand together, alo ne,? thus people will assimilate but as individual ?Americans?.Bibliography1. Grognet, Allene. ?Elderly Refugees and Language Learning.? Hillard, Piro, and Warner. 295-300. 2. Houston, Jeanne. ?Arrival at Manzanar.? Hillard, Piro, and Warner. 307-314.3. Lopez, Cynthia. ?Cranderismo A Healing Art.? Hillard, Piro, and Warner. 334-336.4. Rodriguez, Richard. ?Does America Still Exist Hillard, Piro, and Warner. 183-186.5. Tan, Amy. ?My Mother?s English.? Hillard, Piro, and Warner. 42-46.6. Hillard, Judith, Vincent, Piro, and J. Sterling Warner, Eds. Visions Across The Americas. Orlando, Fl Harcourt Brace College Publishers, 1998.

How animal research has advanced the understanding of depression :: essays research papers

Animal models commence made numerous progresses in the last century. This type of research has made a contravention in the way we look at psychological issues such as depression. This paper is a review of the literature on animal models of depression. The issue of what advances have been made will be explored. The effects of serotonin on many issues have been studied. In this paper stress, learning, memory, brain derived neurotrophic factor, ovarian horm whizz withdrawal, and effects of reliable drugs will be looked at. Lets look at stress and serotonin first.StressA study done by Grippo, Sullivan, Damjanoska and colleages (2004) shows that chronic nuts stress provokes behavioral and physiological changes and may change serotonin receptor function in rats. In this study sixty four Sprague-Dawley rats were used. Half were anthropoid and the other half were female. The following stimuli were used as stressors which includeContinuous light for 2 12 hour diaphragmsForty degree til t on vertical axis of cage for 6 hour issuePaired housing for a 16 hour stay and 4 hour periodDamp bedding with 300 mL water spilled on bedding for 16 hour periodWater deprivation for 16 hour periodEmpty water bottle following 16 hour water deprivation for 1 hourStroboscopic light with 300 flashes a minute for a 6 hour period and 4 hour periodWhite noise at approximately 90 dB for 4 hour period of continuous noise and a 3 hour period with random intermittent noiseAll the stressors were given over a period of one week, and randomly presented for 3 additional weeks for a total of 4 week trial. All the rats were injected with a receptor agonist and were decapitated 15 minutes subsequently the injection for the trunk blood. The 4 week trial resulted in the rats showing signs of depression, and satisfied adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) responses to the receptor agonist. The trials also sparked a lack of entertainment in both male and female rats. Another studied related to stress was done by Gregus, Wintink, David and Lalynchik (2005). This study looked at corticosterone injections and stress and how this relates to depression. Sixty nave Long-Evans male rats were used. The rats were randomly assigned to 4 aggroups and were given corticosterone injections (CORT), vehicle injections, repeated restraint stress and repeated handling. These treatments were given for 21 days. The CORT group and vehicle group were given injections at random times during the light and dark cycles.

Human Evolution In Africa :: essays research papers

Evolution In AfricaHumans, as we consider ourselves, evolved in Africa. Not entirely, but from untimely order Primates to our present state. Many people dispute this fact, despite astounding evidence supporting the theory, for various reasons. Showing all the genetic, paleological, and geological proof, I rally it very hard indeed to contradict the evidence.True, humans didn&8217t evolve entirely in Africa. As a matter of fact the first know ancestors of humans where found in North America, in the Utah Valley. These animals where nothing more than a shrew in the shadow of the dinosaurs. However, with the event that killed the dinosaurs, they where finally allowed to puke and spread. At this time, according to isotope dating, the human race was averaging 4 times warmer than it now is. As time went on, the small mammal had spread throughout Eurasia. All of Eurasia consequently was covered in tropical forests. Primates evolved in what is now the Indian Subcontinent.From their plac ement in India, then still lowland, primates spread throughout the world once more. Some returned to North America, only to be wiped out by rodents already living there. Others spread to Europe and the Middle East.By this time, Africa had just expose from marsupial overrun Gondwanaland. About a million years later it reached the Middle East, and primates moved in. By now the world had cooled enough that the primates in Europe had been decimated to near extinction. They also migrated south, for the Mediterranean Sea was at that time dry lowland. Now almost all of the primates left in the world were in Africa, and the only marsupial that wasn&8217t wiped out was the opossum. Primates and large cats now ruled, with rodents scarce, which meant that the primates had to adapt to keep from becoming lunch. In visible light of this, natural selection shows only those primates with larger bodies and higher intelligence survived.The once rodent sized primates, lemurs, now only exist in Madag ascar, which had unaffectionate from Africa in the early Eocene Epoch, and where there were no predators to be found. In most of Africa, however, the primates got larger. They shifted evolutionary gears to start becoming apes and hominids.The first apes to evolve, Afropithecus was very small by ape standards. They were dumb tree swingers, but it was by their appearance that we owe our existence, along with chimps, gorillas, and orangutans. These apes, despite their stupidity, were very successful and spread back to India once more.